Majority consider emigration; young and educated most likely to look abroad 

By  Maame Akua Amoah Twum & Elena Weinreich

International migration has surged by 45% over the past two decades, reaching 281 million in 2020 (International Organisation for Migration, 2024). While media narratives often focus on African emigration to the Global North, more than 70% of West African migrants move within the region (Teye, 2022). Ghana reflects this trend, hosting 471,000 immigrants – mainly from neighbouring countries – along with more than 13,000 refugees (Kandilige, Teye, Talleraas, & Gopsill, 2023).

At the same time, nearly half of the 1 million Ghanaians abroad reside in Economic Community of West African States member nations, with Nigeria alone hosting a quarter of them (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2022).

Despite these patterns, migration aspirations in Ghana increasingly target the Global North, largely driven by economic factors (Akanle & Ola-Lawson, 2022) as levels of material deprivation in the country rise (CDD-Ghana, 2024). For those who stay home, remittances are crucial, contributing $4.6 billion in 2022 – three times Ghana’s official development assistance (Badoe, 2024).

Even as many countries tighten their immigration policies (Akanle, 2018), concerns persist about migrant-rights violations and brain drain, particularly in health care. Ghana loses 400-500 nurses monthly to emigration, exacerbating staffing shortages (International Council of Nurses, 2024). These trends highlight the complex realities of migration, requiring balanced policy approaches to maximise benefits while mitigating challenges.

Afrobarometer’s Round 10 survey sought ordinary Ghanaians’ perspectives on migration. A majority of respondents support free movement within West Africa for trade and work, though in practice, many find crossing international borders difficult. Views on the impact of immigration on Ghana’s economy are divided, with fewer than half seeing it as beneficial.

Meanwhile, a majority of Ghanaians – including about three-fourths of young and highly educated citizens – have themselves considered emigration, mostly to look for work or escape economic hardship. The most popular destinations are North America and Europe.

Afrobarometer surveys

Afrobarometer is a pan-African, non-partisan survey research network that provides reliable data on African experiences and evaluations of democracy, governance, and quality of life. Nine survey rounds in up to 42 countries have been completed since 1999. Round 10 surveys were launched in January 2024. Afrobarometer’s national partners conduct face-to-face interviews in the language of the respondent’s choice.

The Afrobarometer team in Ghana, led by the Ghana Center for Democratic Development, interviewed a nationally representative sample of 2,400 adult Ghanaians in August 2024. A sample of this size yields country-level results with a margin of error of /-2 percentage points at a 95% confidence level. Previous surveys were conducted in Ghana in 1999, 2002, 2005, 2008, 2012, 2014, 2017, 2019, and 2022.

Key findings

• More than half (56%) of Ghanaians say West Africans should be able to move freely across international borders in order to trade or work in other countries. But about four in 10 (42%) think the government should limit people’s cross-border movement.
  • About three-fourths (76%) of respondents say that, in practice, crossing international borders is “difficult” or “very difficult.”
• Fewer than half (46%) of citizens see migrants’ economic impacts on Ghana as positive.
• Majorities say they wouldn’t mind living next door to foreign workers or immigrants (77%) or refugees (65%).
• Even so, seven in 10 Ghanaians (71%) say the government should reduce the number of foreign job seekers it allows to enter the country (53%) or eliminate such immigration altogether (18%).
  • An even greater majority (82%) favour reducing (53%) or eliminating (29%) entry by refugees.
• Six in 10 respondents (61%) say they have considered leaving Ghana.
  • This figure is highest among the most educated citizens (78% of those with post-secondary education) and the youth (72% of 18- to 35-year-olds).
• The most common reasons cited for potential emigration are finding work opportunities (55%) and escaping economic hardship (33%).
• The most popular destinations among potential emigrants are North America (55%) and Europe (24%).

Freedom of movement and the AfCFTA

Freedom of movement is a basic human right, enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Article 13 allows for all human beings to travel across borders, while Article 14 provides for anyone to seek refuge from persecution (United Nations General Assembly, 1948). What do Ghanaians think about the free movement of people in the region?

A slim majority (56%) of respondents say that West Africans should be able to move freely across international borders to trade or work in other countries (Figure 1). About four in 10 (42%) instead want the government to restrict the cross-border movement of people and goods.

Do your own analysis of Afrobarometer data – on any question, for any country and survey round. It’s easy and free at www.afrobarometer.org/online-data-analysis.

Figure 1: Free movement of West Africans | Ghana | 2024

Respondents were asked: Which of the following statements is closest to your view? 

Statement 1: People living in West Africa should be able to move freely across international borders in order to trade or work in other countries.  

Statement 2: In order to protect their own citizens, the Ghanaian government should limit the cross-border movement of people and goods.

But how easy is cross-border travel in reality? Three-fourths (76%) of Ghanaians say it is “difficult” or “very difficult” for people in West Africa to enter other countries in order to work or trade (Figure 2). This perception is widespread across key demographic groups. Even among the least pessimistic groups – respondents experiencing low lived poverty[1] and those who don’t have jobs and are not looking for work – about seven in 10 (68% and 70%, respectively) say crossing borders is hard.

Cross-border movement is a central aspect of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and its complement, the Free Movement of Persons Protocol. The AfCFTA, signed by 54 African Union (AU) members, seeks to create a single continental market and boost trade between African countries by eliminating trade barriers, thereby fostering industrialisation, spurring investment, and creating jobs for millions of Africans.

While the AfCFTA focuses on freer movement of goods and services, the free movement protocol, adopted by AU heads of state in 2018, promotes labour mobility across the continent by, for example, eliminating visa requirements for intra-African travelers (ISS Africa, 2022). However, as of 2023, only four countries had ratified the protocol (United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, 2023).

The AfCFTA entered into force in 2019, and trade commenced under the banner of the agreement on 1 January 2021. However, the effects of this agreement don’t seem to be felt very widely as yet. Three years after trading began, a vast majority (81%) of Ghanaians have not heard of the AfCFTA (Figure 3).

Figure 2: Difficulty in cross-border movement | by demographic group | Ghana | 2024

Respondents were asked: In your opinion, how easy or difficult is it for people in West Africa to cross international borders in order to work or trade in other countries, or haven’t you heard enough to say? (% who say “difficult” or “very difficult”)

Figure 3: Heard of the AfCFTA? | Ghana | 2024

Respondents were asked: Have you heard about the African Continental Free Trade Area, also known as AfCFTA?

Attitudes toward migrants

While a majority of Ghanaians support freedom of movement, at least for people within the region, many express reservations about immigration.

Fewer than half (46%) of citizens believe that immigrant workers are good for their nation’s economy, compared to 41% who say it is “fairly bad” or “very bad” for the economy “if people from other countries come here to live and work for several years” (Figure 4).

Perceptions of the economic value of immigrants increase with respondents’ level of education, ranging from just 33% among those with no formal schooling to 54% among those with post-secondary qualifications. Positive assessments of immigrants’ economic contributions are also higher among men than women (51% vs. 46%) and among better-off Ghanaians (48%-50%) compared to the poorest citizens (37%).

Figure 4: Economic impact of immigration | by demographic group | Ghana | 2024

Respondents were asked: Would you say it is generally bad or good for Ghana’s economy if people from other countries come here to live and work for several years?

On a personal level, most Ghanaians express tolerant attitudes toward immigrants. More than three-quarters (77%) say they wouldn’t mind having foreign workers or immigrants as neighbours, including 54% who would “somewhat” or “strongly” like the idea (Figure 5).

The majority expressing tolerant attitudes toward refugees is weaker (65%), suggesting that some citizens may accept foreigners conditionally, perhaps based on preconceptions about the likely contributions of foreign workers and refugees.

Figure 5: Tolerance toward foreign workers and refugees | Ghana | 2024

Respondents were asked: For each of the following types of people, please tell me whether you would like having people from this group as neighbours, dislike it, or not care: Immigrants or foreign workers? Refugees from other countries who are fleeing political violence or persecution?

Economically better-off citizens are more likely than those experiencing high levels of lived poverty to express tolerant attitudes toward both foreign workers (85% vs. 68%) and refugees (73% vs. 53%) (Figure 6). Immigrants and foreign workers find more tolerant attitudes among those with post-secondary education (80%) than among those with no formal education (70%).

Citizens with full-time jobs express more tolerant attitudes toward both immigrants and refugees (80% and 67%, respectively) than those with part-time jobs (73% and 58%) and those looking for work (74% and 64%).

Figure 6: Tolerance toward foreign workers and refugees | by demographic group  | Ghana | 2024

Respondents were asked: For each of the following types of people, please tell me whether you would like having people from this group as neighbours, dislike it, or not care: Immigrants or foreign workers?  Refugees from other countries who are fleeing political violence or persecution? (% who say “strongly like,” “somewhat like,” or “would not care”)

But despite these generally tolerant attitudes, survey findings show that Ghanaians are apprehensive about letting immigrants into their country: Seven in 10 (71%) say the government should reduce the number of job seekers it allows to enter (53%) or eliminate such immigration altogether (18%) (Figure 7). And even more (82%) favour reducing (53%) or eliminating (29%) entry by refugees.

Fewer than one in five respondents would welcome more prospective workers (13%) and asylum seekers (6%).

Figure 7: How many migrants should be allowed into the country? | Ghana | 2024

Respondents were asked:

Do you think Ghana should allow more or fewer job seekers from other countries to come to live and work in this country?

Do you think Ghana should allow more or fewer refugees from other countries to come and live in this country?

Looking abroad: Ghanaians’ attitudes toward emigration

People leave home for a variety of reasons: to escape conflict or resource scarcity, to avoid discrimination and oppression, to pursue better economic opportunities, or for any one or more of a myriad other reasons. Do Ghanaians think about emigrating? If so, what propels them to do so?

When it comes to leaving their country, six in 10 Ghanaians (61%) say they have contemplated the possibility, including 44% who have considered it “a lot,” 8% “somewhat,” and 9% “a little bit” (Figure 8).

Figure 8: Have you considered emigrating? | Ghana | 2024

Respondents were asked: How much, if at all, have you considered moving to another country to live?

Interest in leaving the country increases with education, ranging from 35% of those lacking formal education to 78% of the most educated, and decreases with age, from 72% of the youth to 30% of the elderly (Figure 9). Men (66%) and urbanites (65%) are more likely than women (55%) and rural residents (53%) to say they have thought about leaving the country. Around two-thirds of both employed (63%-65%) and unemployed but searching (68%) individuals have considered emigrating.

Figure 9: Considered emigrating | by demographic group | Ghana | 2024

Respondents were asked: How much, if at all, have you considered moving to another country to live? (% who say “a little bit,” “somewhat,” or “a lot”)

The most frequently cited reasons among those who have considered emigration are economic: 55% would leave for work opportunities, 33% to alleviate economic hardship, and 3% in search of better business prospects (Figure 10).

The most popular destinations for potential Ghanaian emigrants are North America (55%) and Europe (24%) (Figure 11). Only about one in 25 (4%) say they would opt to stay on the continent.

Figure 10: Reasons for emigration | Ghana | 2024

Respondents who say they have considered emigrating were asked: There are several reasons why people leave their home to live in another country for an extended period of time. What about you? What is the most important reason why you would consider moving from Ghana? (Respondents who say they have not considered emigrating are excluded.)

Figure 11: Preferred destination for emigration | Ghana | 2024

Respondents who say they have considered emigrating were asked: If you were to move to another country, where would you be most likely to go? (Respondents who say they have not considered emigrating are excluded.)

Conclusion

Ghanaians express mixed views on migration. While a majority support free movement within West Africa, a sizeable share prefer restrictions on cross-border movement of people and goods. Most say that in practice, crossing borders is difficult, and few have heard of the AfCFTA.

While most Ghanaians express tolerant attitudes toward immigrants and refugees, many question the economic benefits of immigration, and majorities favour limiting or eliminating entry by foreigners seeking jobs or asylum.

At the same time, a majority of Ghanaians – especially youth, the highly educated, and the unemployed – say they have considered emigration, primarily in search of work and better economic conditions, with North America and Europe as top destinations.

References

Akanle, O. (2018). International migration narratives: Systemic global politics, irregular and return migrations. International Sociology, 33(2), 161-170.

Akanle, O., & Ola-Lawson, O. D. (2022). International migration, diaspora investments and development in Nigeria. In Teye, J. K. (Ed.), Migration in West Africa (pp. 153-167). Springer.

Badoe, R. (2024). Remittances as a driver of economic growth in Ghana. Stanbic Bank. 20 August.

Economic Commission for Africa. (2023). Free movement of people, a catalyst for trade. 29 March.

Ghana Center for Democratic Development. (2024). Citizens’ policy priorities, economic conditions and government performance: Highlights from Afrobarometer Round 10 survey in Ghana. Afrobarometer. Presentation. 31 October.

International Council of Nurses. (2024).  ICN calls for a strengthened code on international recruitment and a fair deal for countries that are losing their experienced nurses.

International Organisation for Migration. (2024). World migration report 2024.

Kandilige, L., Teye, J., Talleraas, C., & Gopsill, A. (2023). EFFEXT background papers – National and international migration policy in Ghana. Chr. Michelsen Institute.

Maunganidze, O. A. (2022). Free trade and mobility crucial for Africa to prosper. ISS Africa. 12 December.

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2022). A review of Ghanaian emigrants, talent abroad. 21 June.

Teye, K. J. (2022). Migration in West Africa: An introduction. In Teye, J. K. (Ed.), Migration in West Africa (pp. 3-17). Springer.

United Nations General Assembly. (1948). Universal declaration of human rights.

Maame Akua Amoah Twum is Afrobarometer communications coordinator for anglophone West and North Africa. Email: [email protected].

Elena Weinreich is a research intern at the Ghana Center for Democratic Development. Email: [email protected].

Afrobarometer, a nonprofit corporation with headquarters in Ghana, is a pan-African, nonpartisan research network. Regional coordination of national partners in about 35 countries is provided by the Ghana Center for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana), the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) in South Africa, and the Institute for Development Studies (IDS) at the University of Nairobi in Kenya. Michigan State University, the University of Cape Town, and the University of Malawi provide technical support to the network.

Financial support for Afrobarometer is provided by Sweden via the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) via the U.S. Institute of Peace, the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation via the World Bank Think Africa Project, the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, the Open Society Foundations – Africa, Luminate, the Ford Foundation, the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Mastercard Foundation, the David and Lucile Packard Foundation, the European Union Commission, the World Bank Group, the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Uganda, the Embassy of Sweden in Zimbabwe, and GIZ.

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Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 959 | 21 March 2025

[1] Afrobarometer’s Lived Poverty Index (LPI) measures respondents’ levels of material deprivation by asking how often they or their families went without basic necessities (enough food, enough water, medical care, enough cooking fuel, and a cash income) during the past year. For more on lived poverty, see Mattes and Patel (2022).

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